Optimising Working Relationships on Development Projects
Ridley, Donald
University of Hertfordshire, UK
The political changes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union during the
early 1990s dismantled a range of social and economic structures, flawed or otherwise.
These events left a vacuum not, as some might suppose of ideology, but one of
"infrastructure" in its broadest sense. Alarmed by these changes and the
potential for political, economic and social instability, the so-called "West",
made efforts, for a variety of reasons, - some good, some bad, some indifferent - , to
provide technical assistance to help with the development of infrastructure for countries
from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.
The provision and utilisation of funding addressing the development of skills and
competencies in those responsible for managing the various societal institutions, both
public and private has been a learningexercise for all concerned. Early models of funding
for this purpose included visiting "western experts" to give "expert"
advice in the recipient countries (often at salary and living expenses that were beyond
the wildest dreams of their local colleagues) Generally speaking, andperhaps quite
understandably, the "experts" had little real understandingof the recipient
countries history and culture, current living conditions and the often difficult personal
economic circumstances under which their colleagues from the recipient countries had to
live. They sometimes applied mental representations, theoretical models and practical
methods that were not necessarily appropriate for to the contexts in which they worked As
a result lasting change was often minimal, despite the expenditure of significant sums of
money on such projects. Similar problems were encountered both on schemes which were
intended to provide an educational base for the development of expertise of professional
managers in domains that, by and large, were related to business and economics and in the
training and development programmes run by joint ventures of various types between
recipient country organisations andwestern organisations.
Many factors impinge upon the success of the three types of co-operative activity
mentioned above (expert advice, education, training) . Examples of such factors include
(a) the provision of adequate funding targeted in a specific and appropriate manner, (b)
the development of exit strategies for projects so that there is a focus on ensuring
permanent development and change, (c) the development of a sense of ownership amongst
colleagues from the recipient country and (d) ensuring that colleagues from the recipient
country are true stake holders. One key factor in all of the above is the achievement of
relaxed, open and productive relationship between the colleagues from donor and recipient
countries, an issue that in practical terms receives little attention. For example the
literature on Globalisation tends to concentrate upon multinational companies rather than
the so called "aid sector" and it is questionable whether findings from the
former might map onto the latter.
Studies conducted by the University of Hertfordshire between 1993 and 1999 address,
amongst other issues, the working boundary between colleagues from donor and recipient
countries. These studies can be utilised to create a framework, based upon empirical
evidence, of the types of difficulties that can occur on either side of the relationship
in this type of activity. These studies include (a) An evaluation of government funded aid
project which set up advice and training centres in Organisational Development in Romania,
(b) An investigation into organisational culture and management style in joint ventures
between
Romanian/US companies and German/Russian companies in manufacturing and retail sectors
respectively (c) Government sponsored comparative studies in management style and decision
making between Russia and the UK (d) Government sponsored training and development in a
Russian retail organisation (e) Development of organisational culture in the newly opened
Prague office of a western consultancy and (f) Government sponsored co-operative
development of training programmes with a Russian University.
The framework identifies the dimensions derived from both qualitative and quantitative
data in the above studies. These apply to colleagues from both donor and recipient
countries. The dimensions, that are not at this point mutually exclusive, are (a) Personal
(b) Financial (c) Cultural (d) Experiential (e) Referent (f) Expectational and (g)
Communications related. Generally the results from this sample of studies may be
summarised by an unnecessary reticence and lack of confidence on the part of colleagues
from the recipient country and a benevolent chauvinism coupled with over confidence in
technical matters on the part of colleagues from donor countries. The reality is rather
more complex and the degree to which it is possible to generalise from the organisations
in these studies is a question that is currently being investigated. Using methods from
Organisational Psychology, the framework can be used create a generic analysis of possible
development needs for colleagues from both recipient and donor countries. This analysis
may be customised and incorporated into project activities in a manner that will
facilitate communications, avoid mismatches in expectations and promote the efficient and
effective operation of project work in infra structure development aimed at improving the
skills base in recipient countries.
Experience
of Conflict Management Trainings with IDP children
Sarjveladze,
Natalie
Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, Tbilisi, Georgia
Conflicts are an inseparable part of IDP children’s life. Primarily due to the
fact, that they became IDP’s as a result of the most violent expression of a conflict -
a war. Apart from this, if one observes their social environment, one will discover
conflicts of different degree and severeness on all stages of their relationships. This
can be a quarrel between children, fight during distribution of humanitarian aid,
disagreement between adolescents, latent sometimes even expressed negative disposition
from representatives of local population, conflict between generations, and finally,
crises connected with development and puberty period, that take place with expressed
acuteness on the background of conflictual social environment.
Proceeding from the foregoing conflict management skills and training-seminars for the
study of conflict’s nature and characteristics are especially important for
psycho-social rehabilitation.
Basic strategic aims of this initiative are: Development of tolerant spirit in children
and adolescents, attributing them with skills necessary for enhancing confidence in their
possibilities during coping with problematic situations; seeking alternative ways of
effective conflict management. This will support reinforcing their faith, that
unresolvable and unmanageable critical situations do not exist, it is always important to
mobilize our inner resources to transform an unmanageable situation into a manageable one.
Basic tactical objectives of training-seminars are:
1. Helping children and adolescents realize essence of conflict, broadening their
understanding of conflict. Defining the concept of conflict has a crucial significance for
IDP children. They constantly hear from parents and close social environment, that the
reason of their misfortunes is a war conflict. But as we observed, for majority
(especially for children) meaning of the word “conflict” is not clear. Because of this
children might ascribe an exaggerated, negative and sinister meaning to the word, they
might think that conflict fatally determines human’s life and it is irretrievable. This
impedes to realization of importance of resources of conflict and conflictual situation.
2. Familiarizing with regularities and stages of conflict’s escalation and
understanding the essence of enemy image - an extreme form of conflict’s expression.
This has a vital significance for IDP children, on one hand for preventing future
generations from sense of victimization and transmission of enemy image. On the other
hand, realizing the mechanism of enemy image’s creation is a very important
pre-condition for development of tolerant disposition towards others (There were cases of
confrontation between IDP and local children, that had lamentable consequences).
3. Realizing existence of alternative
reality, accepting the right of existence of different opinion, and understanding that
denial of this right accutes and escalates any conflict. Development of communicational
skills that make possible constructive expression of opinions and feelings in conflictual
situations and help accept feelings and opinions of opposing side, even when there is a
disagreement between the views of the two sides. While working on these problems we
familiarize children with excerpts from children’s rights convention, that say about the
right of freely expressing one’s opinion. At the same time we emphasize that other
people have the same right. This supports development of tolerant tendencies in children.
4. Teaching of possible
strategies of conflict management, understanding pro-s and con-s of each one of them.
Acquiring skills for “win-win” outcome model of conflict management is especially
emphasized. By this, collaboration oriented type of relationship is sustained. As we
observed this is extremely important, because IDP children have an exaggerated tendency of
escaping conflict situations. In this sense our joint session for IDP and local children
about the ozone layer is very typical. Children had a discussion and worked on possible
alternatives of problem’s resolution. Opinion of the group was divided in two. While
local children talked about two possibilities (activating and strengthening of the
movement of greens or letting fate decide what will happen), IDP children proposed an
entirely different strategy - migration of earth’s population to a different planet,
where according to preliminary data life exists. This strategy of conflict management -
escape - is not bad, it is one of the alternatives of avoiding a danger, but it becomes
harmful and alarming when it is perceived as the only way out. This blocks the possibility
of analyzing existing alternatives and on the basis of analysis act effectively.
Involvement in national tragedy and its consequence on affective-emotional
state
Sumbadze, Nana,Ph.D
Tbilisi State University, Tbilisi, Georgia
Hentschel,Uwe,Ph.D
Leiden State University, Netherlands
Past decade in Georgia was marked with the abundance of destructive events of a
national scale. 9-th of April, the massacre of civilians by Russian troops and Abkhazian
war were disasterous for all the nation and as such can be considered as events of a
national tragedy. Although both stressful, experience of these two events is rather
different.
The impact of 9-th of April and Abkhazian war were studied considering the degree of
personal involvement in the events. Five weeks after the 9-th of April mood of male and
female sample of inhabitants of Tbilisi was assessed by the Multiple Affect Adjective
Checklist. The checklist has anxiety, depression and hostility scales. The
affective-emotional state of wounded, non-wounded soldiers of Abkhazian war and male
civilians were registered towards the end of the war by means of the Gottschalk-Gleser
method, comprising of six anxiety scales, four hostility scales, and a hope scale
differentiated as positive and negative.
Analyses revealed that the mood state of all the respondents after 9-th of April event
was negative, but more negative state was registered by those who were not at the site of
massacre. Emotional state of wounded soldiers proved to be significantly more negative
than of civilians. Wounded soldiers expressed more death and mutilation anxiety and a
covert hostility than civilians. Both wounded and non-wounded soldiers scored higher than
civilians on ambivalent hostility.
The results of the two studies point on different effect of participation in national
tragedy on the emotional-affective state. In case of 9-th of April the majority of its
participants were not directly exposed to mutilation and death. It could be therefore
assumed that worse emotional state of those who were not on site at that night was largely
determined by the feeling of guilt and self-blame. Whereas in case of war the exposure to
life-threatening situations, death, distraction, and concern about own health determined
the emotional state of soldiers.
Psychodynamics of Post-Soviet Phenomena - Russian Case
Urbanovich, Yuri,Ph.D.
Center for the Study of Mind and Human Interaction, University of Virginia, USA
The break up of the Soviet Union gave birth to fifteen independent states and to
the dozens of expected and unexpected challenges that are usually described as post-Soviet
phenomena. Understanding these phenomena requires in many cases an interdisciplinary
approach, which may include applied psychoanalysis. Here I’d like to identify some of
the phenomena in general terms and give a brief illustration of how a psychoanalytic
approach can help understand them. In this attempt I am focusing on Russia, but many
similarities can be easily found in any former Soviet republic.
“Identity Crisis”. Compared to the large European empires such as those of
Britain or France, the Soviet Union was unique. More than 100 peoples of different ethnic
origins, languages, and religions lived together for centuries, first within the Russian
Empire and later within the Soviet Union. Ethnic Russians constituted around 50 percent of
the Soviet population.
But unlike Britain and France, which had a distinct national identity prior to and
independent of their colonies, there was not a clear division between Russia as a nation
and Russia as an imperial power. Both evolved simultaneously from the 15th century, and
Russia’s “colonies” lay not overseas, but next to or within Russia’s own borders.
When one loses territory which had been “imprinted on the map” of a nation’s
historical memory, it takes long time to mourn the loss.
Nostalgia for Socialism. The nostalgia for an ideal socialism is similar to
people’s dreams about lost childhood. In ideal socialism, it is supposed that society
would be structured as one big family, where the majority of the population is in position
of children, or junior members of the family. They do whatever they are told to do, and
for it they are complimented or punished, depending on the results of assigned work. On
the other hand, they feel relatively safe since the responsibility for supplying their
basic needs is fulfilled by the parents, or the senior members of the family - the ruling
elite.
Relationship between the State and the People. State power in Russia has always
been identified with masculinity, while the people of Russia are characterized as
feminine. Almost always in Russia’s history this masculine dimension forcefully
“penetrated” a conservative, generally stable, and feminine dimension of the Russian
people, resulting in a relationship without love, mutuality or permanence. However there
were periods of greater compatibility of the “married couple”. One of the longest
periods, with its ups and downs, lasted approximately from the beginning of Soviet power
and until the Brezhnevite era. Of course it wasn’t happiest period, especially for
those, such as the intelligentsia, who thought independently, wanted greater freedom, and
were compelled to seek the truth. But most of the Soviet Union’s average citizens
perceived state authority as a real and a reliable “masculine dimension,” and although
it was rude, they could envision no alternatives. Then came an amorphous period of
stagnation, followed by the hope for Gorbachev’s “perestroika” that ended with total
disappointment, and finally an outburst of the people’s love for a new democratic
authority and hope for a long anticipated “happy marriage”. But a new “husband”
(democratic leadership) happened to be an insidious seducer who soon broke his promises,
abused his victim, and finally proved to be impotent himself. In the previous
“marriage,” although there was no love in the relationship, the “bride” was at
least respected. In the current marriage, after a short “honeymoon,” the husband put
her out on the street. But a reasonable question in this case would be: “How did
President Yeltsin manage to stay in power?”
The Gorbachev/Yeltsin Phenomenon. There are some Russians who cannot forgive
Gorbachev for prematurely granting them freedom when they would have preferred to win it
for themselves. In the collective perception, what Gorbachev did was not a manly act. He
was more like a mother giving her children something instead of letting them struggle to
obtain it for themselves. The significant role taken by Gorbachev’s wife also undermined
his “masculinity” in the eyes of the people. There was too much of her in his
political image and Russians felt anxious because he became “feminized”. It was very
untraditional for Russia in general, and for a Soviet leader in particular to have such an
active first lady. Gorbachev also talked too much and often vaguely, which was perceived
as another characteristic of “femininity.” He was also perceived as always making
political concessions to the West. He was a “giver”, not a “taker”.
How did Yeltsin manage to win? When he was humiliated by Gorbachev and the CPSU Central
Committee, people perceived him as a “martyr”, and it is deeply internalized in the
Russian culture that to suffer makes you better. To this day, even not particularly
religious Russians will, in a bad situation, offer the proverb: “Christ endured and
ordered us to endure too”. But the more important reason for Yeltsin’s victory is the
fact that he never hesitated to grab power or to remind people who’s in charge. Even his
recent decision to deploy a Russian contingent of peace-keepers ahead of NATO troops in
Kosovo was perceived, and not only in Russia, as a risky but manly act. It is difficult to
imagine that Gorbachev could have acted in the same fashion under these circumstances.
Despite all his shortcomings and health problems, Yeltsin, unlike Gorbachev, has been
perceived as manly leader - a “taker”, not a “giver”.
On the other hand, Yeltsin does not associate himself with any political party,
parliamentary group or acting government. He changed five prime ministers and their
cabinets during his tenure. He makes unpredictable decisions, promotes and fires people
without regard to their reputation and merits. He actually rules the country in certain
sense as a monarch who from time to time makes scapegoats of his “boyars” (corrupted
bureaucracy). Yeltsin’s image fits the old Russian belief in a good czar or in a hero
(“bogatyr”) who sooner or later will find a magic way out of difficult situations.
Suitable Targets for Projections. In the process of its evolution, the Soviet
regime identified various groups that the people and government could use as targets for
projection. At early stages of Soviet power they were “bourgeoisie element” and
“counter-revolutionaries”. In the period of industrialization and collectivization it
was “saboteurs” and “kulaks”; during Stalin’s purges it was “enemies of the
people”; in the late 40s it was “rootless cosmopolitans” and so on. In the last
decade of the Soviet Union, as nationalism grew in every Soviet republic, Moscow as the
political center of the Soviet empire became the most suitable target for all kinds of
projections. However, as soon as the Soviet Union ceased to exist, more suitable targets
were found within every newly independent state. In many cases it was minority groups.
Conclusion. The list of post-Soviet challenges can be extended to include a
dozen others. But the purpose of my presentation has been to illustrate how unconscious
motivations influence developments especially during periods of big changes.
Underestimation of these motivations in social analysis and prognosis leads to political
mistakes.
Psycho-rehabilitation and reconciliation – experience and perspectives
Kharashvili, Julia
The IDP Women‘s Association/UNV, Tbilisi, Georgia
The Association of IDP Women in Georgia has worked in the field of psycho-social
support for internally displaced people (IDP) since 1994. The main focus of the work from
very beginning was on children and women – victims of military conflicts in Georgia. The
programme of the Association was oriented on creation of equal possibilities for IDP
women, their re-socialisation and adaptation to new realities.
Practical experience, as well as theoretical considerations prove
that recovery after received trauma is closely connected with reconciliation. Under the
term “reconciliation” here we will understand whole complex of processes on the level
of community, which include recognition of own fault, mourning, forgiveness,
re-humanisation of enemy (changing of “image of enemy”). Building of new relationships
is necessary condition of reconciliation.We saw necessity of different parts of this
process on different steps of development of post-war community.
Women - beneficiaries of
psycho-social rehabilitation programme under the facilitation of experienced facilitators
went through self reflection groups. The idea was - to reflect together about past
traumatic experience in presence of colleagues, who provide psychological support and help
to cope with consequences of trauma. Women from the Georgian part of divided society
express strong wish towards reconciliation and preparedness for bilateral contacts. They
talked about similar psychological problems, which should have also Abkhazian women and
expressed the opinion that similar pain can create the common ground for reconciliation.
During the last year military escalation in the Gali district, when a new wave of
internally displaced people fled to the Zugdidi region, the question of internal
reconciliation also became actual. The IDP who lost trust to all governmental actors,
regardless of their state or national belonging, needed urgent assistance to survive in
new community. Building of relationships inside of Georgian community, among IDP and local
population, represented one of the most important tasks during the period of emergency
situation in Western Georgia,
The stress system affecting the IDP population
Sharia, Shermadin
Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, Tbilisi, Georgia
Stresses affecting the IDP population can be divided into four categories. We will
try to characterize each one of them.
1. First of all we would like to emphasize traumatic stress. On the basis of researches
it appeared that more then 50% of IDP population have PTSD. But it should be mentioned
that to some extent whole IDP population is affected by this stress.
Sudden, “shocking news” about beginning of the war, accelerated development of
events and due to this loosing control over them; anarchy and involuntary evacuation of
big masses of people; fear; destruction and burning of houses; physical and moral insult;
witnessing physical distortion; These and other factors can become basis of trauma.
It should be noted that similar events took place during first period of evacuation and
mass disorders in the country - especially near the conflict zone.
2. Life stress: - Absence of basic daily conditions, starvation, poverty, unemployment.
(10-15 people were living in 1 room, they had to stand in a line for a cup of tea;
everything had to be started from zero; young people were unemployed; a large part of them
started consuming alcohol and drugs; interpersonal conflicts became more frequent.)
3. Adaptation stress: - The IDP population had to cope with daily and traumatic stress
in an alien environment, in the places of involuntary migration, which itself was a stress
factor. At first the local population was full of compassion towards the IDPs, but
eventually relationship between the two sides became tense. Partially this was conditioned
by protraction of IDP’s problems, on the other hand the local population was in hard
socio-economic situation as well and couldn’t take care of itself. Very often one can
hear sayings like “why did you arrive, you should have fought there”, “Who invited
you”, “ Refugees destroyed our city”.
4. Stress of uncertainty, or stress connected with lack of information. This part of
society was in informational vacuum in the past is in the same situation now, they don’t
know when and how they will return in the future either. This fact creates the stress of
uncertainty
The system of stresses mentioned above influences all levels of IDP’s personal
functioning and determines frustration of such needs as: security, social bonds, self
esteem, self-actualization and self-realization. But despite this fact IDP population
still manages to cope with crisis on the basis of mutual support and understanding. This
is well demonstrated during weddings or funerals of community members. This behavior is a
result of Georgian customs and traditions. Despite frustration, difficult situation and
distrust, this part of society is full of humane and affectionate support.
Facilitation Model of Protracted Social Conflict
Tsiskarishvili, Lela
Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, Tbilisi, Georgia
Protracted Social Conflict originates when communal groups (defined by shared
ethnic, religious, linguistic, or other cultural characteristics) are denied their
distinct indentity or collective developmental needs. PSC has it’s genesis dynamics and
outcomes.
The genesis component identifies a set of
conditions that are responsible for the transformation of non-conflictual situations into
conflictual ones. Communal content of society is the most important factor related to PCS.
If society is multi-communal, conflict will most likely arise. Individuals strive to
fulfill their developmental human needs through formation of identity groups. Their
survival is depended on satisfaction of material needs. Access to social institutions,
active participation in society is a crucial determinant for satisying developmental
needs. But in multicommunal societies distribution of political and economic power is
unequal. Because of this minority communal groups tend to be marginalized. In many cases
denial of access and deprivation of physical needs are rooted in the refusal to recognize
or accept the communal identity of other groups.
The dynamics of PSC encompass communal actions and strategies, state actions and
strategies and built in properties of conflict. These three factors activate an overt
conflict. Communnal actions and strategies imply mutual distrust between the groups. The
trigger may be a trivial event. The victimized group starts to draw attention to a broad
selection of issues. This increases momentum for mobilizing resources and formulatin more
diverse strategies. The state, on it’s part replies with it’s own strategies -
coercive repression and instrumental co-option. Built-in properties of conflict comprise
of the historty of experience in the conflict and nature of communication among hostile
contestants.
There are no winners in Protracted Social Conflict, all the parties of these conflicts
tend to be victimized in the process. These conflicts don’t clear termination point.
Outcomes (military victories, agreements) insofar as they do not satisfy basic needs,
contain latent conflict, which causes further cycles of manifest conflict. One element
that paralyes parties the most is fear. Protracted Social Conflicts are rooted in fear of
marginalization.
Conflict resolution entails both, the management of current disputes and planning for
the future, so that further outbreakes of violence and destruction are prevented. Four
elements constitute the core of effective management of Protracted Social Conflict:
- Conflict identification and tracking;
- Facilitation of breakthroughs in a conflict situation through problem-solving forums
- Promoting self-sustainin structural development;
- Adopting development diplomacy;
Here, we will concentrate only on facilitation. Folk diplomacy diplomacy refers to
processes which parallel and ideally eventually hook up with track one diplomacy. The
“problem solving” approach is based on the belief that violent and prejudicial, or
peaceful and cooperative, thinking and behavior are learned phenomena, and that what is
learned therefore can also be modified.
During problem-solving forums following factors are emphasized:
Environment. Problem-solving forum needs to provide a framework in which the
parties can analyze and explore their perceptions of the origin and nature of their
conflict and thus discover that they are pursuing similar goals through adversary tactics.
The win-loose (zero-sum) environment of traditional diplomacy should be transformed into
one of “win-win” where the possibilities for cooperation and mutual understanding are
maximized.
Preparation. Conflict must be tracked and identified. Tracking means obtaining
information about changes in the nature and extent of hostilities involved in each
conflict situation. So that facilitators can determine trends and be better prepared to
speak about the conflict at hand. Although during the forums there are only general ideas
and conditions, facilitators must be flexible and innovative.
Discussion. Participants must be analytical. Facilitators draw participants’
attention to areas of agreement and differences. There must be a deep analysis of the
nature and causes of the conflict by the participants, to achieve an understanding of each
other’s view of the confict. Comperative method is very important for this model.
Facilitator talks about other conflicts and discusses failures and breakthroughs in the
process of it’s managing.
Participants. Ideal participants are those who are close to the key
decision-makers and can influence them. But at the same time they must be able to explore
alternatives.
Facilitators. Most important factor is knowledge of protracted conflict,
especially psycho-social factors involved and cross-cultural experience and sensitivity.
In track two diplomacy facilitators are effective, because they are perceived by the
participants as non-biased. Success of the forums is depended on the lovel of trust and
respect that participants have for the facilitators. Facilitators shouldn’t intervene in
the discussion and must recognize both parties.
One of the most important elements of “problem-solving”model is follow-up
communication. This has a psychological value, when participants and facilitators keep in
touch and exchange letters, ideas, information related to management of conflict, trust
increases and confidence between those involved improves.
Anorexia, Bulimia: Should we be concerned?
Ketevan Chanturia
Tbilisi State University, Tbilisi, Georgia
An interest of investigators towards Eating Disorders (bulimia and anorexia
nervosa) has increased since past decades. Traditionally these disorders were considered
as the problem specific for Western industrialised society and related to newly developed
standards and values. Subsequently, these disorders were supposed to be uncharacteristic
for other societies – especially those where thinness does not represent the standard of
eternal beauty.
Recent studies showed that eating disorders do not represent the privilege of Western
societies and are equally spread in countries with different attitudes towards body shape.
In particular, the prevalence of anorexia nervosa in females in late adolescence and early
adulthood is 0.5-1% . These rates were found to be stable across different countries and
did not change for the whole decade – from 1975-1985. On the other hand, bulimia nervosa
is supposed to be more related to cultural attitudes and reflect the changes in cultural
life. Thus, the prevalence bulimia has been found to increase by 90% in… Current opinion
holds that the factors associated with bulimia include societal changes in women’s role,
and the spread of dietary demands.
To our knowledge there were no studies of eating disorders in Georgia before. The
population has very little information concerning these disorders, and the mental health
professionals also need more training in this respect.
We presume that the prevalence of eating disorders in Georgia could be the same as in
other countries. On the other hand, due to the lack of specialised services, the people
with eating disorders often are treated by internists – and therefore are not diagnosed
adequately. Even those visiting the mental health specialists – are diagnosed as
suffering from depression, conversion disorder etc.
The aim of our work was to investigate the symptomatological profiles of bulimia
nervosa in Georgian population. To collect as representative sample as possible, we are
going to assess the patients treated by internists as well as by psychotherapists. The
clinical manifestation of bulimia will be studied with respect to the age of onset.
We hypothesise, that the symptomatology of bulimia in young women (14-20 yr.) will be
more marked than in older age group. This should have relation to the newly developed in
Georgian society values and attitudes that has greater influence on the younger people. We
expect that bulimia features will be associated with depressive complaints.
Our study will represent a part of cross-cultural study co-ordinated by the London
Institute of Psychiatry.
The methods include: 1) Culture questionnaire; 2) Bulimia questionnaire BITE; 3) Eating
Attitude Test EAT-26; 4) Eating and Weight questionnaire QWEB_R; 5) Self-esteem
questionnaire; 6) Depression and Anxiety Scale HADS.
The sample will include the patients treated at somatic clinics (30 Ss), neurotic
patients (30 Ss) and 30 healthy controls.
Guilt as
a coping mechanism
Javakhishvili, Darejan
Foundation for the Development of Human Resources, Tbilisi, Georgia
In cases of traumatic stress guilt is one of the important and disseminated
symptoms. But guilt, intensified or emerged as a result of a trauma has an unusual
function, in our opinion, it serves coping with anxiety towards future.
The destructive impact of traumatic stress isn’t confined by concrete traumatic
experience (loss of a close person, serious illness, violence…). Trauma is a trauma to
the extent it destroys person’s system of beliefs - beliefs about one’s self and
surrounding world, it deforms the model of the universe. Feelings of helplessness and
disability prevail, one has a sensation of unpredictable future and is incapable of
managing one’s own life. This state, on it’s part, creates the basis for anxiety
towards the future, and plays an important role in formation of the “numbness”
symptom. So, a person starts attributing reasons of events on the surrounding world. If we
apply the pendulum principle, guilt might be considered as a balancing mechanism directed
on coping with anxiety connected with future and unpredictability of one’s own life.
This is an important pre-condition of coping with traumatic experience.
This discourse will become clearer if we discuss an example from ourwork with
internally displaced children living on one of the densely populated areas. During the
work of rehabilitation group feelings of helplessness and perception of universe as a
source of unpredictable, ill-fated events emerged quite often. For children this model of
universe was so disturbing, that several times they proposed as a topic for discussion
“what is depended on humans and what is not.” Despite the fact that majority of them
defended the position according to which “nothing depends on humans, they live quietly
for themselves, suddenly wars break out, arthquakes take place, other disasters occur and
life is ruined”, their hidden appellation consisted of opposite opinion. The most
interesting thing in this discussion was paradoxicallity of children’s view: On the one
hand they had the feeling of helplessness, were searching for reasons of events outside of
themselves and proceeding from this were trying to avoid responsibility, but at the same
time they felt guilty, because of what had happened to them. In particular, children were
denying that humans had the ability to manage events and were naming God as the delineator
of their lives. But simultaneously they considered God as a punishing instance who’s
mission is to punish people for their misdeeds. So the topic provoking children’s
anxiety contained in itself it’s own annulment: If I’m to blame in something, then
some things depend on me (and not only on external events), this means that I’m not as
helpless, and most importantly, in order to avoid misfortunes, in future I will act
differently.
Coping with traumatic experience is hindered if a person becomes “stuck” on one of
the poles of pendulum. In case of staying at the “guilt pole” entire life energy will
be directed on coping with guilt. This, naturally, limits other constructive activities.
Extreme expression of guilt might urge a person to commit a suicide. If the opposite pole
outbalances, a person has a feeling of life’s unmanageability, one becomes passive and
goes with the flow.